Johnny Andrews is a former economy spokesman and vice-chairman of the NI Conservative & Unionist Party, and was a parliamentary candidate in 2015.
The 2024 general election was a breath of fresh air for Unionism.
The pro-Union community in Northern Ireland should welcome new Westminster representation from four strands of unionism. While it might look like division, the new diversity of representation actually represents a new confidence and maturity. We should embrace it.
This confidence has also seen leakage of pro-union voters, more confident and relaxed in the status quo and the constitutional issue, to Alliance; all want delivery, rather than polarized sabre rattling.
The reality is that the Union is secure for the foreseeable future. Leaders in the South are talking the new language of reconciliation, bringing people together, and making Northern Ireland work; it’s only the lone voice of Sinn Fein that is stirring up threats of border polls and grandstanding on constitutional change. Without the threat of a border poll, unionism can afford to engage more at national level thus promoting and strengthening the Union and reaching outside its comfort zone to new voters .
The pro-Union community can at last afford the luxury of picking the best candidates from a myriad of parties. Jim Alister, Alex Easton, and Robin Swann offer us far better choice and real representation at Westminster, including on national affairs, and are holding the Democratic Unionists to account after their long period of virtual unchallenged hegemony.
A big challenge for unionism remains the unanswered question of how it contributes to national politics and the national debate as it did in the past e.g. from 1885-1914 through the Liberal Unionists and Irish Unionists, who took a separate whip and were represented in Salisbury government of 1894-1902, and between 1921-72 in various Tory Governments via the Ulster Unionist link to the Conservative & Unionist Party.
It was this question that David Cameron and Reg Empey addressed in the electoral alliance between the Conservative and Ulster Unionist parties under the banner ‘Conservatives and Unionists’ between 2008-12.This was an honest attempt to create real secular politics, giving Unionism the opportunity contributing to national government right up to cabinet level.
This gained a credible 15 per cent in 2010 general election, but was quickly abandoned by the UUP during its lurch to right after not winning a seat due to the first past the post system.
Today, unionism’s new MPs are gaining credibility and friends again at Westminster, which is critical and has been lacking under DUP leadership. For too long, the DUP were seen as pariahs at Westminster, often isolated and wandering corridors of power.
Worse, they even ducked the responsibility after 2017 general election, declining a seat in cabinet in the hung parliament when an opportunity arose. This would have given them a strong hand in delivering a good Brexit for Northern Ireland – but they simply asked for £1bn, were seen as mercenary, and thus lost more friends at Westminster
Unionism In Northern Ireland deserves better, and needs better linkages to national parties to free itself from any residual sectarian image and enable it to reach out to new voters. With new thinking, a more constructive positive unionism can emerge with a better long term image free of the past.
With the national budget under strain and little left in the kitty due to geo-political uncertainty and increasing defence spending, Unionism should be working to reduce subvention by increasing competitiveness and reducing waste to grow the Northern Irish economy and drive tax revenue.
The NHS in Northern Ireland is in urgent need of reform, otherwise it will soon become unmanageable. This could result in an existential crisis for unionism, as the Republic is in certain cases showing better outcomes via its insurance-based system. Northern Ireland desperately needs a pro-business centre right party to promote a private sector revival and a more efficient public sector especially with regards reform of the Health Service .
While the four strands are working together unofficially, unionism needs to think smart to be more effective at Westminster and gain more allies as we did in the past. All unionists could work together more on reserved matters at Westminster while retaining the separate parties at Stormont for devolved issues. Canada, which has separate parties at provincial and federal level, could be the model.
This could lead to a more influential voting block and an effective voice on the challenges ahead arising from the increasingly-restrictive Protocol. (Today we see the Protocol bite further with an Irish sea parcels border.)
With the threat of US tariffs on Nortthern Ireland, and EU retaliation likely, we in Ulster need an effective rigorous coordinated response from engaged, well-informed representatives and, preferably, with allies in a national party. These issues are complex and with proper coordination, and more short money for research and PR, such arrangements could create an effective working block in the House of Commons.
With left-right politics now blurred and little difference between major parties in London on economy, welfare, and tax, Northern Irish unionism needs to think smart and engage nationally to gain friends and influence in national politics.
Unionism in NI is only relevant in the wider UK if it participates fully in national politics and actually contributes to the Union in all respects, including financially – as it did from its birth in 1921, through two world wars, and well into the 1960s.
The Conservative & Unionist Party remains the natural home for those of all backgrounds, creeds and races in Northern Ireland who wish to contribute fully to the nation.
